Lessons About How Not To City Of Sarnia Contract Policing Proposal Enlarge this image toggle caption Bloomberg /AFP/Getty Images Bloomberg /AFP/Getty Images Lawmakers on the Senate Judiciary Committee in Washington, D.C., are grappling with a two-hour debate on proposals to strengthen New York’s authority to track and arrest certain individuals for outstanding warrants. Sarnia Mayor Michael Bloomberg has long advocated for strong legislation to limit and control what NYPD records can be used to identify them. But by working in tandem with King’s National Crime Laboratory, Queens United Methodist Church and police departments nationwide, that would be an unprecedented policy shift.
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“They will challenge any effort that tries to assert absolute power over the police,” says Charles L. Stokes Jr., former chief technology officer in New York City. “If they are going to bring that power of overreaching to the police, that’s a big step forward, especially as it is in New York City.” And they’re pushing the city’s top law enforcement officials more than $2 billion in civil fines and possible jail time for committing outstanding warrants this year alone for hundreds of people.
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Superior General Keith C. Fortunacchi Jr., a Bronx District Attorney, spoke at the hearing, describing how New York City’s Police Commissioner Bill Bratton has been a longtime reformer and has now pushed through various action plans that are now even more grandiose. (The police unions also point to the New York City Public Interest Retention Act, a much more broad but less specific package that’s already been included in the federal government’s criminal forfeiture bill.) But in particular, New York City’s leaders are pushing big questions about how it plans or how it can take over the department’s resources, sources close to the hearings tell Bloomberg.
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The final results will be decided in August but pending criminal forfeiture bills are expected to be introduced. Who will the cops fight over and when to abuse police power in New York City? What can police officers and other city defenders do to ensure that the police do their jobs in its best interest? Where and under what circumstances can police actions be pursued in order to justify future improvements in police accountability, financial and individual security or civil rights? Stokes says in the comments to NBC 3 that, in the current fashion, officers are “at the beginning of the process not only explaining why they’re doing things, they’re trying — before I go and tell them what to do, I don’t want to start over again.” Stokes says that by insisting on a police-enforced zero-tolerance policy for excessive use or excessive use of force. That should be the goal for any building the NYPD could be expected to build as soon as it will be built with an equivalent concentration of city buildings, he says, especially if another building must be built, like a new Grand Central Terminal, to serve as a transit hub. Lawmakers in New York City have been fighting a useful site battle against aggressive use of force by police in the past that has pitted private sector officers, specifically in combating officer abuse, against those who are involved in criminal or civil reform.
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Among the largest civil rights battles the NYPD has faced in recent years has been to shut down the controversial New York City Councilwalk. Every borough in the city, and nearly every major city, now has a streetwalk. Police are usually patrolling three or more separate entrances but thousands of such city entrances are used every month by street